Devastating to families from Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, in particular--countries where US meddling has long stoked the violence and instability that cause migrants to flee in the first place--this and other policies of the Trump era can be understood, as Ananya Roy has put it, as an ideological commitment to, and renewal of, “white power in statecraft”.
Today, the displaced in Calais are campless. Their lives are lived furtively in forests on the fringes of the city while they seek clandestine passage to the UK. Just a few years ago in 2015 & 2016, this border zone was home to the notorious makeshift camp known as the Calais Jungle. The Jungle was visually impressive: home to over 8,000 people at its largest, it was chaotic, sprawling and filthy yet organised, a dense little city of its own. Despite the makeshift precarity of the camp, remarkable places of commerce, learning and religious practice emerged (Mould 2017).
In 2015 our TV screens, newspapers and social media were full of stories about ‘flows’ of migrants ‘pouring’ into Europe, set alongside photos and videos of people packed into boats at sea or meandering in long lines across fields. This vocabulary, and the images that accompanied it, suggested that migration was a natural force: like a flow of water that cannot be stopped, governed only by the forces of gravity. Now, this same language is being used to describe the ‘migrant caravan’ of the thousands of Hondurans leaving the violence of their home country and attempting to journey to the US.
After several days spent visiting hospitality centres for refugees in Serbia, we decide to change our plans and take a detour via Bosnia-Herzegovina on our way back home to Trieste. We have just learned during our meetings with the representatives of the Serbian Commissariat for the Refugees that the irregular refugee route towards the EU is now deflected towards that country, and in particular that in Velika Kladuša, a few kilometres away from the Croatian border, a new set of informal encampments was taking shape.
In 2015 and 2016 Bosnia-Herzegovina received almost no migrants during the humanitarian emergency that saw nearly one million refugees moving north to reach the rest of Europe, establishing an informal corridor along the so-called Western Balkan Route
Why are Indigenous children dying in ICE custody? The short answer is that they came with their parents, who did not have the language skills, relationship to state bureaucracies or support of their own consulate that would help them navigate the bureaucracy of asylum.
In December 2014, Australia’s Department of Immigration and Border Protection (DIBP) awarded the AU$32 million contract for refugee resettlement on the Republic of Nauru to the newly formed Australian NGO consortium Connect Settlement Services.
We begin in a small town nestled in the hot, humid lowlands between the mountains of Guatemala and the highlands of central Chiapas – a town near the Mexico-Guatemala border that we call “Santiago.” Here, in this small dispersed community, the national boundaries that define the NAFTA region are worked out and mobilized.
One to two days of every week, a police station in Patchway on the outskirts of Bristol, designates one of its small, windowless offices into a space used by the Home Office, for the ordained purposes of “immigration control”. The police station itself is a large concrete slab of a building, its contemporary glass façade giving it a sleek, corporate feel.
The meanings were multiple; the ironies deliberate and critical. We later learned from a visit to the Kempsons, UK artists-turned-humanitarians who live on the northern tip of Lesvos, that many of these life-jackets are worse than useless. Sold to refugees for a small fortune in Turkey, they often turn out to be fakes filled with foam that absorbs water.
In recent weeks, concerns about the Trump administration’s policies of family separation and child detention have sparked a firestorm of media attention and a powerful public outcry. In response, the administration has become increasingly vocal and radical in asserting the legitimacy of its actions and rhetorically assassinating any claims to refuge or protection individuals and families in detention offer in their defense.
The ascent of Donald Trump to the White House and the frequency with which organized white supremacists have reappeared in western democracies has made it impossible to ignore contemporary white nationalism. Meanwhile, the fact that Trump has hung a portrait of the slaver and Indigenous genocidaire Andrew Jackson in his seat of power serves as a reminder that these politics aren’t so alien to American institutions as many liberal critics would like to think (on Jackson, see Dunbar-Ortiz, 2015: 95-116).
After Donald J. Trump won the U.S. presidential election on November 8, 2016, the organizers of the Annual Meeting of the American Association of Geographers solicited panel discussions to address key themes of the coming administration that are relevant for academic geographers and related disciplines.
In May 2015, the European Commission issued its “Agenda on Migration” in response to what was already an urgent humanitarian situation in the Mediterranean. The Agenda was primarily concerned with the full implementation of the Dublin III Agreement in Italy and Greece, who were accused of letting migrants move on to central Europe without fingerprinting or receiving asylum claims.
Today, migration features prominently in headlines and political debates. How many people immigrate in a given year and the question of how to regulate migration can decide elections or, as recently demonstrated by the vote for Brexit in the UK, shape the future of the European Union (EU).
This paper examines ways of knowing “the Roma” as a category of people. It attends to mobility and its obstructions, and the ways that coincide with bureaucratic, institutional, and everyday modes of sorting and racializing groups of people.
This paper examines Moria hotspot in Greece as a logistical site which fulfills two different functions within the European migration and border regime. It locates, contains, and sorts individuals locally at the external borders of the EU and creates, inserts, and processes data for controlling people on the move.
This paper uses long-term research in an Indian village to develop Karl Mannheim’s notion of each generation’s ‘fresh contact’ with their inherited social and environmental setting.
In this paper, the performativity of visual methods and their data practices are analysed with respect to the monitoring infrastructure of European border management. Three such methods – patrolling, recording and publicizing – are reconstructed through analysis of their histories and their present.
Population projections about ‘ageing’ or ‘shrinking nations’ are an important reference for public policies in Europe. The article contributes to the analysis of processes of demographization by showing that speculative future knowledge influences current immigration policy rationales.
Writings that critically engage the ongoing conditions of coloniality and its effects. Entries in this section may also speculate on intellectual, political and organizational tactics that work to resist coloniality, colonization and colonialism’s effects in the present.
Examines the evolving social, ecological, cultural and geopolitical impacts of energy systems and resource extraction, with particular emphasis on the spatial relationships that structure the extraction, production, distribution and consumption of energy and other natural resources and raw materials
Chronicles past, present, and potential impacts of technoscientific development on the production of space. Provides critical looks into how scientific disciplines and industries influence how we analyze, categorize, experience, interpret, navigate, and represent that which we call space.
Investigates the spatial implications of the mass production, consumption, and disposal of digital media. Core areas of study include the environmental impacts, industrial landscapes, infrastructures, political transformations, social activities, and subjectivities particular to the digital age.
Charts the role that maps and various other forms of geo-visualisation play in the production of space. Offers a critical forum for investigating older modes of cartographic representation as well as newer approaches to big data and the politics of algorithmic and other data-driven processes.
Investigates relations between policing (narrowly and broadly understood), incarceration, and the production of space and spatial knowledge. Borders, criminalized neighborhoods, detention centers, heavily securitized areas, internment camps, jails, prisons, rendition sites, and the spatial relations that they rely on and produce are explored as sites of power and subversion.